11/8/2022 0 Comments Assimilated rhotic praat![]() ![]() In chapter six I draw some conclusions, deal with some pending issues and suggest future directions for research. In chapter five I attempt to identify the phonological correlates of acoustic salience and discuss other factors which may favor reduction and deletion, among which predictability. As expected, highly salient consonants are preserved to a greater extent than less salient ones. In chapter four, the results of the acoustic analysis of four dialogues extracted from a corpus of spoken Italian are presented. In chapter three, typological and experimental data are examined in order to establish a salience scale for consonants. Additionally, I discuss the role of acoustic salience in the formation of the invariant. In the second chapter I propose a model which combines aspects of Optimality Theory, Element Theory and usage-based linguistics. In the first chapter I compare different theoretical approaches to the problem of acoustic variation, in particular with reference to generative phonology and exemplar-based theories. This unevenness implies a distinction between the invariant – the “phonetic essence” of a word, which is practically undeletable – and other units which can be dispensed with under certain circumstances. It is argued that phonological representations are uneven and include information about the relative strength of the segmental and subsegmental units composing them. The aim of this thesis is to give a phonological account of acoustic variation and reduction. These effects are most easily explained in a hybrid of neo-generative and exemplar models of speech perception and production. And although there was variety in success rates, all speakers learned to produce a flap for /r/ at least some of the time and retained this learning over a week’s time. The positional context was clearly important, as flaps were produced less successfully when word-initial. For flap, there was a mix of categorical learning, with the allophone simply switching to a different use, and parametric approximations of the “new” sound. The pattern for /t/ was adopted and generalized with high overall reliability (96%). Speakers appeared to learn systematically, as they could generalize to words which they had never heard the Glaswegian speaker pronounce. This experiment therefore explored (a) whether speakers could learn to reassign a sound they already produce (flap) to a different phoneme, and (b) whether they could learn to reliably produce aspirated /t/ in an unusual phonological context. The target sounds were allophones of /t/ and /r/, as the Glaswegian speaker aspirated word-medial /t/ but pronounced /r/ as a flap initially and medially. In an experiment spanning a week, American English speakers imitated a Glaswegian (Scottish) English speaker. ![]()
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